Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers


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To reduce inequality, policies should be universal in principle, paying attention to the needs of disadvantaged and marginalized populations. Finally, innovations in technology can help reduce the cost of transferring money for migrant workers. The Paris Agreement opened for signature by the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on 22 April and will remain open for signature for one year.

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How can we make sure that cities become more inclusive, with a smaller environmental footprint, and leave no-one behind? Vesna Blazhevska T 02 Jul Goal Reduce inequality within and among countries. Reduce inequality within and among countries Martin T Facts and figures Goal 10 targets Links. Facts and figures.

"Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barri" by Maria Vidal de Haymes

In , over Social protection has been significantly extended globally, yet persons with disabilities are up to five times more likely than average to incur catastrophic health expenditures. Despite overall declines in maternal mortality in most developing countries, women in rural areas are still up to three times more likely to die while giving birth than women living in urban centers.

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Up to 30 per cent of income inequality is due to inequality within households, including between women and men. World War II was a watershed for all the Latino groups. Enthusiasm for the war was high.

In Arizona, community organizations were very active in patriotic efforts to support American troops abroad and made efforts to support the war effort materially and to provide moral support for the young American men fighting the war, especially the young Mexican-American men from local communities.

Some of the community projects were cooperative ventures in which members of both the Mexican-American and Anglo communities participated. Most efforts made in the Mexican-American community, however, represented localized American home front activities that were separate from the activities of the Anglo community. An underlying goal of the Spanish-American Mothers and Wives Association was the reinforcement of the woman's role in Spanish-Mexican culture.

The organization raised thousands of dollars, wrote letters, and joined in numerous celebrations of their culture and their support for Mexican-American servicemen. Membership reached over during the war and eventually ended its existence in Teenagers developed their own music, language, and dress. For the men, the style was to wear a zoot suit — a flamboyant long coat with baggy pegged pants, a pork pie hat, a long key chain and shoes with thick soles. They called themselves "Pachucos. Skirmishes and mini riots erupted in , but the servicemen moved out, no one was killed, and there were few long-term reverberations.

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Mexican Americans had learned new trades and organizational skills in service, and many civilian men and women had taken well-paid jobs in war industries. The veterans were fully eligible for the GI Bill, which financed 52 weeks of unemployment insurance as well as very low-cost home mortgages and free high school and college educations, and free medical care at VA hospitals. When the U. In August the Bracero Program was launched for the importation of temporary contract laborers from Mexico. By the time it ended in more than 4 million Mexican farm-workers arrived in the U.

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Texas chose to opt out of the Bracero program and hire farm-workers directly from Mexico. At its height, over , guest-workers entered the U. The invention of mechanical cotton harvesters reduced labor needs, and scandals over the exploitation of guest workers led the Department of Labor official overseeing the program to denounce it as 'legalized slavery'. The Immigration and Nationality Act of set strict quotas on the number of persons who could legally enter the U.

Since the s, Mexican migration has increased dramatically. The Immigration Reform and Control Act of granted amnesty to illegal immigrants who had resided in the U. Several factors led to an increase in Mexican immigration to the U. The Latin American debt crisis of the s led to high rates of unemployment in Mexico and destroyed the savings of a large portion of the middle-class, as did the Mexican Peso Crisis.

In , Mexican president Carlos Salinas dismantled the communally-owned ejidos , one of the most important legacies of the Mexican Revolution , and the enactment of NAFTA brought a flood of subsidized U. The Census showed that the foreign-born population of the U.

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The Latino populations of Georgia , North and South Carolina , and Arkansas increased between and per cent from to Mexican-American workers formed unions of their own and joined integrated unions throughout the 20th century. The Industrial Workers of the World IWW was particularly active in organizing Mexican-American farm workers and hard rock miners the first three decades of that century, in Arizona and elsewhere.

In , many of them were expelled in the Bisbee Deportation. The first recorded strike led by Mexican-Americans was at the start of the 20th century in Southern California. There, a small group of Mexican farm laborers along with Japanese-Americans organized strikes in near Oxnard in Ventura County, California but were not successful in meeting demands for better wages and working conditions.

Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers

In , Mexican-American coal miners participated in a bloody coal strike in Colorado , walking out under the banner of the IWW. Mexican-Americans in the southeastern part of the state, particularly from the Walsenburg , Pueblo , and Trinidad areas, took leadership roles in the strike. Numerous workers from Mexico were in the mines.

As the IWW agitation increased in , mine owners refused to hire Mexicans, blaming them for the labor unrest.


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  6. The Communist Party-affiliated [28] Cannery and Agricultural Workers Industrial Union led a massive strike of cotton pickers in California in ; that strike was defeated after mass arrests and the murder of several strikers. The movie Salt of the Earth depicts another strike, waged by the mostly Mexican-American members of the Mine Mill and Smelter Workers ; the movie itself became an important document in the later Chicano movement. The most significant union struggle involving Mexican-Americans was the United Farm Workers ' long strike and boycott aimed at grape growers in the San Joaquin and Coachella Valleys in the late s, followed by campaigns to organize lettuce workers in California and Arizona, farm workers in Texas, and orange grove workers in Florida.

    More recently, the Service Employees International Union has led a number of successful " Justice for Janitors " campaigns throughout the United States among predominantly immigrant workers, many of whom have come from Mexico and Central America. Those campaigns do not stress cultural or ethnic identity in the way that the UFW did but have linked immigrant workers' struggles with the political interests of Mexican-Americans in many communities, such as Los Angeles. The IWW is also once again organizing, particularly among Troquero truck drivers and immigrant taxi drivers in the Los Angeles, California area.

    One of those organizations, the League of United Latin American Citizens formed in , remains active today.

    The movement to overturn the many forms of state-sponsored discrimination directed at Hispanic Americans was strongest in Texas during the first fifty years of the 20th century. Forum , formed by returning veterans, joined in the efforts of organizations such as LULAC to demand an end to segregated schools and denial of the right to vote. During The Great Depression , the United States government sponsored a Mexican Repatriation program which was intended to encourage people to voluntarily move to Mexico, but thousands were deported against their will.

    More than , individuals repatriated only a small portion were deported , approximately 60 percent of which were actually United States citizens or residents. Mexican-Americans, mestizos especially, also faced heightened racism during World War II, most famously during the Zoot Suit Riots , when sailors in Los Angeles attacked Mexican-American youths in , and in the Sleepy Lagoon Case, in which a number of young men were wrongly convicted in a case marked by sensationalized press coverage and overt racism from the prosecution and judge.

    That trial and verdict, overturned on appeal after a broad-based committee was created to support the defendants, is depicted in Luis Valdez ' play and film Zoot Suit. At the same time, the United States was importing thousands of Mexican farm workers under the Bracero program that used them as temporary labor, without employment rights. Thus, Hispanic Americans comprised 2. The exact number, however, is unknown as at the time Hispanics were classified as whites. However, many Mexican—American War veterans were discriminated against and even denied medical services by the United States Department of Veterans Affairs when they arrived home.

    Garcia founded the American GI Forum to address the concerns of Mexican American veterans who were being discriminated against. Upon the return of his body to his hometown of Three Rivers, Texas , he was denied funeral services because he was Mexican American. Under the guidance of Hector P. Garcia and Vicente T. Ximenes the AGIF throughout the s expanded its role as an agency for civil rights advocacy beyond that of solely advocating for Hispanic veterans.

    Mexican American schoolchildren were subject to racial segregation in the public school system. They were forced to attend "Mexican schools" in California. In , the Mendez v. Westminster ruling declared that segregating children of "Mexican and Latin descent" in Orange County and the state of California was unconstitutional.

    This ruling helped lay the foundation for the landmark Brown v Board of Education case which ended racial segregation in the public school system. In many counties in the Southwestern United States, Mexican Americans were not selected as jurors in court cases which involved a Mexican American defendant.

    Hernandez believed that the jury could not be impartial unless members of other races were allowed on the jury-selecting committees, seeing that a Mexican American had not been on a jury for more than 25 years in that particular county. Hernandez and his lawyers decided to take the case to the Supreme Court. The Hernandez v. Texas Supreme Court ruling declared that Mexican Americans and other racial groups in the United States were entitled to equal protection under the 14th Amendment of the U.

    The Chicano movement blossomed in the s.

    Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers
    Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers
    Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers
    Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers
    Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers
    Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers Latino Poverty in the New Century: Inequalities, Challenges, and Barriers

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